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Charakterisierung, Persephone, a Touch of darkness, seitenangaben

Charakterisierung, Persephone, a Touch of darkness, seitenangaben

Metakey Description of the Article Text:     Nietzsche As A Scholar Of Antiquity PDF 3jleai9vmc40. ...

Summary:    (2) Shortly before transferring to Bonn in 1864, Nietzsche writes in retrospect about Schulpforta in one of his characteristic self-assurances under the typical title “My Life”: [After the] transition from the Naumburg Gymnasium to Pforta, which falls on my fourteenth year, [...] my affinity for classical studies grew increasingly; with the most pleasant memories I think of the first impressions of Sophocles, of Aeschylus, of Plato, chiefly of my favorite piece of poetry, the Symposium, then of the Greek poets. ̓Οξωτὰ σιλφιωτὰ βαλϐὁς τεύτλιον ὑπότριμμα ϑρῖον ἐγκέφαλον ὀρίγανον καταπυγοσύνη ταῦτ̓ ἐστὶ πρὸς κρεας μέγα.23 With this quite overtly provocative epigraph—the translation of which turns on the scatologically nasty καταπυγοσύνη—and which might be rendered as “Condiments, vinegar, spicy seasonings, scallions, beets, highly refined sauces, leaves stuffed with brains, oregano—a catamite’s delicacies beside a great hunk of meat”—Wilamowitz attacked Nietzsche’s first book. 131 Aeschylus/Aischylos xviii, xx, 7, 28–9, 40, 45–6, 77, 184–8, 194, 204, 211, 272, 276 Aesop 203 Alcidamas/Alkidamas 14–15, 17–18, 20, 23 Alexander the Great 37–8, 40–1, 47, 241, 251, 255 Amphidamas 13 Anacreon 10–11 Anaxagoras 220, 223, 229 Anaximander 208, 223, 240 Anaximenes 71, 223 Anders, Günther 248, 256 Andler, Charles 187 Apollodorus 60 Archilochus 84, 200 Arend, Walter 141–2, 150 Arendt, Hannah 249 Aristophanes 39, 184, 186–7, 211, 236, 253, 272 Aristotle xvii, 11, 15, 53–4, 56, 60–2, 67–71, 79, 117, 140, 147, 175–6, 184, 189–90, 194, 203, 211, 218–20, 222–4, 240, 242, 250, 252, 255, 263 Aristoxenos 11 Arrowsmith, William 233 Athenaeus 60, 108, 252 Aurelius, Marcus 235 Babich, Babette 193, 233, 236–7, 243, 251–6 Bach, Johann Sebastian 197, 207 Banham, Bracht 252 Barfield, Raymond 212 Barnes, Jonathan 45, 70, 125, 132, 222 Barthel, Manfred 254 Baumgartner, Adolf 265, 267, 275 9781472511522_txt_print.indd 281 Becker, Oskar 256 Beethoven, Ludwig van 197, 207, 235, 252 Bekker, Immanuel 102, 105 Bellarmine, Robert 233 Benedict, Ruth 146, 152 Benne, Christian 45, 113, 189, 194, 251–2 Bergk, Theodor 46, 102, 106, 109, 112–13, 160, 170–1, 177 Bernay, Edward 256 Bernays, Jacob 11, 46, 189–90, 194, 222, 265, 275 Bernhardy, Gottfried 17, 102, 160, 170–1, 177 Berthelot, René 255 Bettelheim, Anton 69 Bichler, Reinhold 48 Bierl, Anton 69, 71, 251 Bignone, Ettore 123 Blair, Carole 71 Blass, Friedrich 55–7, 61, 63 Bluck, Richard Stanely 132 Boeckh, August 22, 102, 159, 163, 188, 194 Bolton, Robert 210 Bopp, Franz 57 Borges, Jorge Luis 70 Bornmann, Fritz 28, 68, 244 Borsche, Tilman 222, 251 Bosco, Carmela Lorella Ausilia 244 Boscovich, Ruggero 91, 256 Bötticher, Karl 275 Brandes, Georg 135 Brandis, Christian August 118 Bravo, Benedetto 48 Bredekamp, Horst 254 Brobjer, Thomas H. 193, 221 Brunschwig, Jacques 136 Brusotti, Marco 151 Burckhardt, Jacob 54, 99, 159, 176, 182, 191, 194, 265, 267, 275–6 Burkert, Walter 251, 275 25/11/2013 13:30 282 Index of Names Burnett, Anne Pippin 213 Burnham, Douglas 94, 212–13 Bursian, Conrad 19, 134 Buxton, Richard 213 Cairns, Douglas L. 152 Calder, William M. 69, 71 Callinus 10–11, 108 Came, Daniel 212 Camerarius 102, 111 Campbell, T. M. 135 Campioni, Giuliano 228 Cancik-Lindemaier, Hildegard 271, 275, 277, 278 Cancik, Hubert 23–5, 45, 101, 110, 112, 150–1, 222, 271, 273, 275–8 Candio, Antonella 189, 194 Cardew, Alan 252 Carrière, Jean 112 Cate, Curtis 102 Cato, Marcus Porcius 177 Cervi, A. M. 131 Cicero, Marcus Tulius 45, 53, 62, 69, 71, 126, 177, 192 Clark, Maudemarie 153, 234 Cleary, John 255 Cobet, Carel Gabriel 133 Colli, Giorgio 28 Collins, Derek 110 Copernicus, Nicolaus 91 Corax 64, 71 Cornford, Francis MacDonald xvii, 234–5, 237, 252 Cornificius 69 Corsen, Arthur 109 Couprie, Dirk L. 242, 254 Cowan, Marianne 212, 228 Crawford, Claudia 71 Creuzer, Georg Friedrich 42, 48, 270 Croce, Benedetto 171, 177–8 Crombie, Alistair 244 Crusius, Otto 55–6, 63 Curtius, Georg 275 Damon 172, 178 Danto, Arthur C. 251 Davies, James 100, 111 Dear, Peter 254, 256 Debus, Allen G. 255 9781472511522_txt_print.indd 282 Decher, Friedhelm 200 de Man, Paul 64, 71–2 Demetrius of Magnesia 120–3, 135 Democritus 23, 119–20, 223, 227–8, 254 Demodocus 18 Demosthenes 39, 45, 183 Descartes, Rene 94 Desjardins, Ann 192 de Solla Price‚ Derek 255 Deussen, Paul 46, 79, 94, 100, 117, 135 Diels, Hermann xvii, 60, 124–5, 129, 132, 134, 219, 221ff.

The following questions will be answered in this article:    

1. The author of more than one hundred articles and chapters, among her principal works are Nietzsche’s Philosophy of Science: Reflecting Science on the Ground of Art and Life (1994); Words in Blood, Like Flowers: Philosophy and Poetry, Music and Eros in Hölderlin, Nietzsche, and Heidegger (2006); La fin de la pensée?
2. Should we consider the scope of influence of his theory of tragedy?
3. Should we measure Nietzsche’s work against some standard of universally accepted interpretation?
4. Should we judge whether Nietzsche successfully applied the accepted methods and produced work in keeping with his scholarly climate?
5. Santini reconstructs Nietzsche’s lectures from the perspective of a singular question: what does it mean for our historical reconstruction of Greek literature that it grew out of an oral—and what’s more, a mostly illiterate—culture?
6. Babich’s question is Nietzsche’s: given that the early Greeks already possessed the theoretical, mathematical, and technical prerequisites to develop what we today call “science,” why didn’t they do so?
7. How was such a speedy career possible?
8. After Homer brilliantly solved 14 such paradoxes, Hesiod turns to more radical means: How many Achaeans came with the Atrides to Ilios?
9. Hesiod becomes envious and, in the third round, asks ethical questions, seven in total; the final one reads: “To fortune now—what do people consider it?
10. Nietzsche combines this with another observation: the first question Hesiod addresses to Homer in the “Certamen” itself reads: What is the best (ἄριστον) for men?
11. At this point I briefly return to the initial question of this contribution: “How was Nietzsche’s early appointment to Basel at the age of 24 possible?
12. We turn at last to address a much more important question: How did Nietzsche, as a philologist, affect Classical Philology tout court?
13. Did The Birth of Tragedy really cause a complete rejection of Nietzsche in the discipline, as is usually claimed?
14. What do you think of that?
15. Humboldt, Wilhelm von ([1792] 1960–81): “Wie weit darf sich die Sorgfalt des Staats um das Wohl seiner Bürger erstrecken?
16. —(1991): “Homer – ein großer Schatten?
17. But what does it matter to us, you will say, what my impression is?
18. Why don’t I appeal to yours?
19. Or to the work?
20. The Dionysian innovations in tonality (Tonart), in rhythm (ἀλογία?
21. (KGW II/2, 322; all emphasis, with the exception of “scales,” is my own) Dionysianism an “innovation” (Neuerung)?
22. Can Dionysianism possibly be associated with the decline of classical sensibilities, that is to say, with the advent of the modern sensibility, whether as its prelude or its harbinger?
23. The “Encyclopedia of Philology” (1871/1873–4[?
24. (2001): “Ancient Philosophy’s Hardest Question: What to Make of Oneself?
25. But then when did it take place?
26. If a text consists completely of a copy of a single source, there should be little difficulty in identifying the first composer as the author: but what if a text is a complete copy of six different sources?
27. When to stop?
28. Would he have taken from it just one third of a coherent doctrine, suddenly to jump to something else and look around for other resources?
29. Should we also condemn Nietzsche with his own judgment?
30. Whose voice is it when we read this text?
31. The editorial translation of this question is: should the editor of such a text add [“] at the beginning and [”] at the end of each quotation?
32. If not the idea of Apollo, what can be taken from this passage?
33. All of which demands that we ask the question: what philosophical or other considerations may have led Nietzsche to develop, within six months or so, the full concept of the Apollonian?
34. What is it that words (or phrases or whole sentences, perhaps) refer to?
35. This, however, seems to entail the possibility of “remembering”—but what could that possibly mean?
36. So, what then is Nietzsche’s point?
37. How, though, does the significance of the Apollonian concept manifest itself in the final few sections of The Birth of Tragedy?
38. But on what ground does a genuine unity of culture arise?
39. However, it is far from clear what this means, and thus it is important that we pause and ask: what could it mean for a state of existence that takes and values images as merely images to “negate itself ”?
40. So, what does it mean for the Apollonian to negate itself and thereby speak with the voice of Dionysus?
41. Who can endure to witness such a scene?
42. At this point two interconnected questions suggest themselves: when precisely was this edition of Theognis constructed, and why was it done so?
43. But what can be proven about a hypothetical figure whom a philologist only posited in order to conveniently explain problems that he himself uncovered?
44. 425–8) What is to account for this inconsistency of character?
45. Nietzsche had indeed become precisely who he was at that time of his life—how could it have been otherwise?
46. For on this depends his value as a historian of philosophy: which and how many earlier authorities did he use?
47. How accurately did he report their views?
48. How carefully did he sift their various stories?
49. How judiciously did he select and synthesize their testimonies?
50. Yet Nietzsche had a clear—even an exaggerated—idea of the historical importance of Diogenes: What is Diogenes to us?
51. The crucial question is: how often and how widely did he borrow from the book?
52. For why should Diogenes trouble to change horses, when the nag he was riding served him so well?
53. Why is it “highly probable”?
54. Why does the doxography not refer to any of the other 250 works of Epicurus?
55. But what is striking about that?
56. Might we not expect a doxographer to rely largely on the best works of an author, works which would also tend to appear in any selective list of the author’s writings?
57. Thirdly, even if the Epicurean doxographer actually consulted the selective list, why suppose that he also transcribed it?
58. Is it not highly probable that he showed even more learning and industry in explaining the views of Epicurus?
59. But why think that Diogenes’ Life of Epicurus draws on that account?
60. But why should that someone else be Diocles?
61. (Is a Principle of Indolence any more plausible, in general, than a Principle of Boredom?
62. If Diogenes confesses that he owes καὶ τάδε to Diocles, then he has already drawn other things from the same source: what could be plainer?
63. Whence could Diogenes have taken this if not from Diocles himself?
64. What of his argument that Diocles is responsible not only for Stoic logic but also for the other two parts of the Stoic doxography?
65. The two formulas seem to be doublets: why are they both there?
66. How could a man who himself despised philology and who had been fatally savaged by the great Wilamowitz have made any worthwhile contribution to classical scholarship?
67. But at least once he asked himself: “Why may not Diocles have been simply excerpted from Favorinus?
68. 36 Should we speak of verbatim transcriptions by Diogenes at all?
69. 37 There is yet another uncertainty in the Greek text: what is the syntax and what is the reference of “αὐτῶν”?
70. 38 Moreover, the presence of Diocles’ name makes it unlikely that Diocles was transcribing Stoic text; for why should a Stoic have used Diocles’ name?
71. And in that case, may not a completely different picture of Diogenes’ sources come to be painted?
72. Do you understand this?
73. But even this disturbance in the head was a problem—“well, how is it even possible?
74. So what could I do?
75. A very short and pointed description of the meaning of this reformulation is given in Acampora 2000, 554: Eventually Nietzsche’s intention was the preparation to the question “What do the Greeks mean to us?
76. A related issue concerns what exactly this primitive attitude towards the historical consideration of literature consisted in: was it conceived as a sort of aesthetic judgment?
77. The question is no longer what is the best instrument to understand antiquity, but what can modern man learn from the study of antiquity?
78. What benefit can modern man obtain from comparing very different ancient societies, such as the Egyptian, the Hebraic, the Chinese if not a questionable satisfaction of his intellectual curiosity?
79. To the first question in the previous quotation, then, Nietzsche implicitly adds another: can we today be creators of a literature that can be considered “classical” by future generations?
80. (GgL; KGW II/5, 8–9) The principal method Nietzsche utilizes follows the beginning and development of the literary genres in Greece, applies fundamental questions to each (what is their occasion?
81. What happens, on the contrary, to this correspondence between the ethos of the audience and the ethos of the artwork in a literary culture, such as the modern culture?
82. Nietzsche shared with Feuerbach the idea of the spectator who becomes a work of art, as described in The Vatican Apollo: “But what does the chorus mean for the tragedy?
83. Here, Nietzsche writes: Oh, wretched ephemeral race, children of chance and misery, why do you compel me to tell you what it would be most expedient for you not to hear?
84. So what is this mysterious force that Socrates represents?
85. Most, Glenn (2011): “What Ancient Quarrel between Philosophy and Poetry?
86. However, as Nietzsche stated in his unpublished essay on “Philosophy in the Tragic Age of Greece” (1873): “Greek philosophy seems to begin with an absurd notion, with the proposition that water is the primal origin and the womb of all things: Is it really necessary to stand silent and become serious here?
87. In PPP 1 he states: “We desire to ask, What do we learn from the history of their philosophy on behalf of the Greeks?
88. What makes science science?
89. What are we doing, so Nietzsche asked, when we judge as scholars do?
90. What is scholarly, scientific judgment?
91. Nietzsche’s overall question in this broad sense includes the critically philological and psychological (as Nietzsche uses the term) and even the physiological question: “What, indeed, does all science ultimately mean regarded as a symptom of life?
92. To what end, still worse, from whence—all science?
93. What gives?
94. What is the enabling condition of science, here philology?
95. That is, again as we saw above: reviewing as we did classical philological research as encompassing the length and breadth of all academic scholarship; but above all, as this is the force of the question of science, as Nietzsche poses it in his later written preface to his first book: What makes science, once understood as such, necessary, still more exactly that is to say: necessary for us?
96. Nietzsche poses this question in the rigorously scientific and historical terms of his own era and his own scientific discipline by raising the question in historical terms with reference to the origins of science as such in antiquity, the very surprising question not of the difference between ancient and modern science but rather and given the sophistication of Greek science, asking why modern science, given this same sophistication, took as long as it took in order to become the dominant force in modern conceptual culture?
97. What is required for modern science as we know it?
98. What were they missing?
99. What else did they need?
100. What is needed or required for the development of modern science?
101. Will it be mathematics?
102. Will it be technology?
103. For his own part, Nietzsche’s argument could not be more specific as he contends that modern science would not exist if “the way had not been prepared by magicians, alchemists, astrologers, and witches whose promises and pretensions first had to create a thirst, a hunger, a taste for hidden and forbidden powers?
104. Here we turn to the next theme by recalling Nietzsche’s own closing remarks on methods of science in antiquity, asking his readers (as he typically does) if he has been understood: “Does one comprehend this?
105. When may we begin to naturalize humanity in terms of a pure, newly discovered, newly redeemed nature?
106. We are embroiled in lie to the extent that Nietzsche’s question, as he later puts it, is “granted we want truth,” but as he undertakes to ask “why not, much rather, the lie?
107. Precisely in a scientific modus, and here we may think of the psychological economies of Nietzsche’s day, especially as we see these in Ernst Mach who traces similar considerations in his own work, Nietzsche reflects that the “phenomena of consciousness” might well simply represent “limit appearances,” thereby constituting “the last members of a chain, but seeming to condition one another in their succession interior to a single plane of consciousness?
108. 30 The original German is useful: “ Ja, was bedeutet überhaupt, als Symptom des Lebens angesehn, alle Wissenschaft?
109. Wozu, schlimmer noch, woher —alle Wissenschaft?
110. 1–11: Basel composition; Basel (?
111. But from where, Nietzsche asks, did he get the strength for this rescue?
112. “But,” Nietzsche asks, “is it really the beginning?
113. The questions, which Nietzsche poses, should be tightened: What, really, in the cultural and religious history of Mediterranean civic culture is “the beginning”?
114. WPh 5[146] (KSA 8, 79): “Where did the Greeks have this freedom from?
115. Apparently already from Homer; but wherefrom has he it?

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